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Quite different from the pensione in the film. Here Elio has a 'road to Damascus' experience. The beauty of Rome, the friendship of Oliver's fiends, the acceptance of their relationship, the freedom to be free.
Yes, Elio, does get very drunk and yes he is sick. However, the scene where Oliver dances with a stranger? It doesn't happen.
Why was that added when so much of importance was left out? Obviously to make a film based entirely on the book would made it far too long, I appreciate that.
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Consultado el 22 de mayo de Consultado el 26 de julio de Some even offered hostages and asked for the insignia of office traditionally awarded to them by the emperor: a gilded silver staff and a silver crown, a white cloak, a white tunic, and a gilded boot.
Belisarius had been furnished by Justinian with these items in anticipation of this demand, and duly dispatched them along with sums of money. Nevertheless it was clear that, as long as the outcome of the war remained undecided, neither side could count on the firm loyalty of the Moors.
Belisarius was also reinforced by the Roman general Cyril with his contingent, who had sailed to Sardinia only to find it once again in possession of the Vandals.
The Vandal king now determined to advance on Carthage. His intentions are not clear; the traditional interpretation is that that he hoped to reduce the city by blockading it, but Ian Hughes believes that, lacking the reserves for a protracted war of attrition, he hoped to force Belisarius into a "single, decisive confrontation".
Approaching the city, the Vandal army cut the aqueduct supplying it with water, and attempted to prevent provisions from arriving in the city.
Gelimer also dispatched agents to the city to undermine the loyalty of the inhabitants and the imperial army. Belisarius, who was alert to the possibility of treachery, set an example by impaling a citizen of Carthage who intended to join the Vandals.
The greatest danger for defection came from the Huns, who were disgruntled because they had been ferried to Africa against their will and feared being left there as a garrison.
Indeed, Vandal agents had already made contact with them, but Belisarius managed to maintain their allegiance—at least for the moment—by making a solemn promise that after the final victory they would be richly rewarded and allowed to return to their homes.
Their loyalty however remained suspect, and, like the Moors, the Huns probably awaited to see who would emerge as the victor and rally to him.
As at Ad Decimum, the Roman cavalry proceeded in advance of the infantry, and the ensuing Battle of Tricamarum was a purely cavalry affair, with Belisarius' army considerably outnumbered.
Both armies kept their most untrustworthy elements—the Moors and Huns—in reserve. John the Armenian played the most important role on the Roman side, and Tzazon on the Vandal.
John led repeated charges at the Vandal centre, culminating in the death of Tzazon. This was followed by a general Roman attack across the front and the collapse of the Vandal army, which retreated to its camp.
Gelimer, seeing that all was lost, fled with a few attendants into the wilds of Numidia, whereupon the remaining Vandals gave up all thoughts of resistance and abandoned their camp to be plundered by the Romans.
The dispersal of his army after the battle, looting heedlessly and leaving themselves vulnerable to a potential Vandal counter-attack was also an indication of the poor discipline in the Roman army and the command difficulties Belisarius faced.
Drawing of a medallion commemorating the Roman victory in the Vandalic War, c. A Roman detachment under John the Armenian pursued the fleeing Vandal king for five days and nights, and was almost upon him when he was killed in an accident.
The Romans halted to mourn their leader, allowing Gelimer to escape, first to Hippo Regius and from there to the city of Medeus on Mount Papua, on whose Moorish inhabitants he could rely.
Belisarius sent men under the Herul Pharas to blockade him there. Belisarius was also fortunate in recovering the Vandal royal treasure, which had been loaded in a ship at Hippo.
Bonifatius, Gelimer's secretary, was supposed to sail with it to Spain, where Gelimer too would later follow, but adverse winds kept the ship in harbour and in the end, Bonifatius handed it over to the Romans in exchange for his own safety as well as a considerable share of the treasure, if Procopius is to be believed.
Aid was also sent to the provincials in Tripolitania, who had been subject to attacks by the local Moorish tribes. An exchange of letters followed between Justinian and the Ostrogoth court, through which Justinian was drawn into the intrigues of the latter, leading to the Roman invasion of Italy a year later.
Meanwhile, Gelimer remained blockaded by Pharas at the mountain stronghold of Medeus, but as the blockade dragged through the winter, Pharas grew impatient.
He attacked the mountain stronghold, only to be beaten back with the loss of a quarter of his men. While a success for Gelimer, it did not alter his hopeless situation as he and his followers remained tightly blockaded and began to suffer from lack of food.
Pharas sent him messages calling upon him to surrender and spare his followers the misery, but it was not until March that the Vandal king agreed to surrender after receiving guarantees for his safety.
Gelimer was then escorted to Carthage. The Menorah of the Temple of Jerusalem, shown carried in the triumphal procession of Titus along with spoils from the Temple on the Arch of Titus in Rome.
Belisarius would not remain long in Africa to consolidate his success, as a number of officers in his army, in hopes of their own advancement, sent messengers to Justinian claiming that Belisarius intended to establish his own kingdom in Africa.
Justinian then gave his general two choices as a test of his intentions: he could return to Constantinople or remain in Africa. Belisarius, who had captured one of the messengers and was aware of the slanders against him, chose to return.
Gelimer was given an ample estate in Galatia , and would have been raised to patrician rank if he had not steadfastly refused to renounce his Arian faith.
The emperor was determined to restore the province to its former extent and prosperity, indeed, iIn the words of J. Gelimer was unwilling to surrender a rival claimant to Justinian, who could use him to stir up trouble in his kingdom, and probably expected war to come either way, according to J.
He consequently refused Justinian's demand on the grounds that this was an internal matter among the Vandals. Justinian now had his pretext, and with peace restored on his eastern frontier with Sassanid Persia in , he started assembling an invasion force.
The financial officials resented the expenditure involved, while the military was weary from the Persian war and feared the Vandals' sea-power.
The emperor's scheme received support mostly from the Church, reinforced by the arrival of victims of renewed persecutions from Africa.
Only the powerful minister John the Cappadocian dared to openly voice his opposition to the expedition, however, and Justinian disregarded it and pressed on with his preparations.
Soon after his seizure of power, Gelimer's domestic position began to deteriorate, as he persecuted his political enemies among the Vandal nobility, confiscating their property and executing many of them.
In response to Godas' emissaries, Justinian detailed Cyril, one of the officers of the foederati , with men, to accompany the invasion fleet and then sail on to Sardinia.
The Vandal king's decision played a crucial role in the outcome of the war, for it removed from the scene the Vandal navy, the main obstacle to a Roman landing in Africa, as well as a large part of his army.
Gelimer also chose to ignore the revolt in Tripolitania for the moment, as it was both a lesser threat and more remote, while his lack of manpower constrained him to await Tzazon's return from Sardinia before undertaking further campaigns.
The Ostrogoth court readily agreed to allow the Roman invasion fleet to use the harbour of Syracuse in Sicily and establish a market for the provisioning of the Roman troops there.
Justinian selected one of his most trusted and talented generals, Belisarius , who had recently distinguished himself against the Persians [ citation needed ] and in the suppression of the Nika riots , to lead the expedition.
As Ian Hughes points out, Belisarius was also eminently suited for this appointment for two other reasons: he was a native Latin-speaker, and was solicitous of the welfare of the local population, keeping a tight leash on his troops.
Both these qualities would be crucial in winning support from the Latin-speaking African population. There were also some 1,—2, of Belisarius' own retainers bucellarii , an elite corps it is unclear if their number is included in the 5, cavalry mentioned as a total figure by Procopius.
In addition, there were two additional bodies of allied troops, both mounted archers, Huns and Heruls. The army was led by an array of experienced officers, among whom the eunuch Solomon was chosen as Belisarius' chief of staff domesticus and the former praetorian prefect Archelaus was placed in charge of the army's provisioning.
The whole force was transported on vessels manned by 30, sailors under admiral Calonymus of Alexandria , guarded by ninety-two dromon warships.
Bury, is that the expeditionary force was remarkably small for the task, especially given the military reputation of the Vandals, and that perhaps it reflects the limit of the fleet's carrying capacity, or perhaps it was an intentional move to limit the impact of any defeat.
On the Vandal side, the picture is less clear. The Vandal army was not a professional and mostly volunteer force like the East Roman army , but comprised every able-bodied male of the Vandal people.
Hence modern estimates on the available forces vary along with estimates on the total Vandal population, from a high of between 30,—40, men out of a total Vandal population of at most , people Diehl and Bury , to as few as 25, men—or even 20,, if their losses against the Moors are taken into account—for a population base of , Hughes.
In addition, their mode of fighting was ill-suited to confronting Belisarius' veterans: the Vandal army was composed exclusively of cavalry, lightly armoured and armed only for hand-to-hand combat, to the point of neglecting entirely the use of bows or javelins, in stark contrast to Belisarius' heavily armoured cataphracts and horse archers.
The account of Procopius completely refutes this poorly chosen source. The Vandals were also weakened by the hostility of their Roman subjects, the continued existence among the Vandals of a faction loyal to Hilderic, and by the ambivalent position of the Moorish tribes, who watched the oncoming conflict from the sidelines, ready to join the victor and seize the spoils.
Amidst much pomp and ceremony, with Justinian and the Patriarch of Constantinople in attendance, the Roman fleet set sail around 21 June The initial progress was slow, as the fleet spent five days at Heraclea Perinthus waiting for horses and a further four days at Abydus due to lack of wind.
From Methone, the fleet sailed up the Ionian Sea to Zacynthus , from where they crossed over to Italy. The crossing took longer than expected due to lack of wind, and the army suffered from lack of fresh water when the supplies they had brought aboard went bad.
The latter informed Procopius that not only were the Vandals unaware of Belisarius' sailing, but that Gelimer, who had just dispatched Tzazon's expedition to Sardinia, was away from Carthage at the small inland town of Hermione.
Then the Roman army began its march north, following the coastal road. Thus, on the morning of 13 September, the tenth day of the march from Caputvada, the Roman army approached Ad Decimum.
Nevertheless, it was clear that, as long as the outcome of the war remained undecided, neither side could count on the firm loyalty of the Moors.
As soon as Tzazon received his brother's message, he left Sardinia and landed in Africa, joining up with Gelimer at Bulla.
His intentions were not clear; the traditional interpretation is that he hoped to reduce the city by blockading it, but Ian Hughes believes that, lacking the reserves for a protracted war of attrition, he hoped to force Belisarius into a "single, decisive confrontation".
The greatest danger of defection came from the Huns, who were disgruntled because they had been ferried to Africa against their will and feared being left there as a garrison.
Their loyalty, however, remained suspect, and, like the Moors, the Huns probably waited to see who would emerge as the victor and rally to him.
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Available to download. Hannelius Karly Rothenberg Travis Tope. More Originals. Bury, he intended "to wipe out all traces of the Vandal conquest, as if it had never been, and to restore the conditions which had existed before the coming of Gaiseric".
To this end, the Vandals were barred from holding office or even property, which was returned to its former owners; most Vandal men became slaves, while the victorious Roman soldiers took their wives; and the Chalcedonian Church was restored to its former position while the Arian Church was dispossessed and persecuted.
As a result of these measures, the Vandal population was diminished and emasculated, and gradually disappeared entirely, absorbed into the provincial population.
The army of Belisarius was left behind to form the garrison of the new prefecture, under the overall command of a magister militum and with several regional duces.
Despite Justinian's intentions and proclamations, however, Roman control over Africa was not yet secure. During his campaign, Belisarius had secured most of the provinces of Byzacena, Zeugitana and Tripolitania, but further west, imperial control extended in a series of strongholds captured by the fleet along the coast as far as Constantine, while most of the inland areas of Numidia and Mauretania remained under the control of the local Moorish tribes, as indeed had been the case under the Vandal kings.
The first imperial governor, Belisarius' former domesticus Solomon, who combined the offices of both magister militum and praetorian prefect, was able to score successes against them and strengthen Roman rule in Africa, but his work was interrupted by a widespread military mutiny in The mutiny was eventually subdued by Germanus , a cousin of Justinian, and Solomon returned in He fell, however, in the Battle of Cillium in against the united Moorish tribes, and Roman Africa was again in jeopardy.
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